The brotherhood 2001 online dating

Traditionally, a man had to be ritually clean to enter the gowd, and admittance to the premises was forbidden to women, non-Muslims, and prepubescent boys. Its vocabulary, rituals, ethos, and grades recall those of (see JAVĀNMARDI) and Sufism, but a direct affiliation cannot be established at the present stage of knowledge.In spite of the institution’s Twelver Shiʿite affinities, zur-ḵānas spread to Sunnite Kurdistan in the 18th century (Kamandi), and in the mid-20th century there were even a few Jewish zur-ḵānas in Tehran and Shiraz and a Zoroastrian one in Yazd; their rituals were adapted accordingly (Chehabi, pp. Since wrestling has an old tradition in west, central, and south Asia, it is possible that sometime in the 14th or 15th centuries wrestlers formed guilds and adopted rituals borrowed from and Sufism.At the same time the growing penetration of society by the state, which resulted in better security, diminished the role of the strongmen who used to maintain law and order in neighborhoods and who trained in the zur-ḵāna. Secondly, zur-ḵānas were castigated for harboring uncouth ruffians, a reference to the marginal luṭis and their frequent brawling.Another function of the zur-ḵānathat disappeared in the first decades of the 20th century was the training it provided for (Society of Iranian heroes) to organize traditional physical education and make it respectable again by a rigorous admission process (ʿAbbāsi, I, pp. The pioneers of modern physical education in Persia had no respect for zur-ḵāna-type exercises and ignored them in the physical education curricula they drew up for Persia’s modern schools. Thirdly, it was pointed out that the exercises did not satisfy modern expectations in that they contained no team sports and developed the body unevenly.This dealt a severe blow to the zur-ḵāna, which became once again a feature of urban lower and lower middle class culture only.By the 1920s the introduction of modern Western sports and physical education further diminished the appeal of zur-ḵāna exercises among athletically inclined men, while cinemas drew spectators away.The synthesis of wrestling prowess and Sufism is embodied by the 14th-century Pahlavān Mahmud of Ḵᵛārazm, better known in Persia as Puriā-ye Wali, whom athletes (as well as wrestlers in Turkey) regard as a role model.While references to wrestling and wrestlers can be found in classical Persian literature (see below), the earliest known mention of zur-ḵāna exercises and practices occurs in a fragment dating from the Safavid era, the s appeared first under that dynasty, which would also explain the close connection between them and popular Twelver Shiʿism, which takes the form, for instance, of very active participation of their members in processions.

They were embedded in the social structure of town quarters and constituted an important part of community life (Arasteh).The first Western traveler to describe a zur-ḵāna was John Chardin, who observed it in the 1670s: “Wrestling is the Exercise of People in a lower Condition; and generally Speaking, only of People who are Indigent.They call the Place where they Show themselves to .Since then, however, evening sessions have gradually become the norm (Partow Bayżāµʾi, pp. The exercises took place in a more or less standard order, and were led by the most senior member present, the , where it is now rarely taught.The loss of its agonistic component has somewhat contributed to the decline of the institution’s popularity among young men.

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They perform their Exercises to divert People” (Chardin, pp. A century later, Carsten Niebuhr also described a house of strength, and to him we also owe the first graphic representation of one.

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